
Glass. 



Es^ 



Book J_S_§L 



JUDD vs. TRUMBULL; «C 



OS 

PLAIN TRUTHS. 

ADDRESSED ft / ,;^, .* 

To tVie Tfeal TxienAs oi t\\fe ^tate oi Con- 
necticut, of e\cT^ ^cct, Dcnoniina- 
tion, and Paxt^, ^vliateycTc. 



BY JUDD. 



" The basis of our political system, is tlie right of the people, to make and 
alter their constitution of Government." 

" This Government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced andun- 
awed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, coHipletely 
free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with 

' energy, and containing within itself, a provision for its own amendment, has 

■ a just claim to your confidence and your support." 

JVashingtoii's Farewell Mdress. 



KSW-HAVEN — PRINTED BY J, BABBBP. 

1820. 



-^'^^A-^ ^>>N!¥%4lKS'V> 



7?f 



TO THE READER. 

The writer o/* the following sheets, commen- 
ced their^publication in numbers, in tJie Colum- 
bian liegister, in answer to a pamphlet signed 
Trumbull. His friends have advised the publi- 
cation of the numbers in a pamphlet form, which 
he has consented to, and has coupled them with 
a review of the measures of the Republican ad- 
ministration. If he has taken a correct view of 
the subjects discussed, it is thought that what 
he has Written will not be wholly unacceptable 
to his fellow citizens. His interest in the politi- 
cal questions of the day, is in common with that 
of every other private citizen. He is neither an 
office holder under the general or state govern- 
ment ; and his only aim is, to place the meas- 
ures of the former, and the present administra- 
tion, side by side, before his fellow citizens, that 
men who are not misled by party feelings, oi* 
blinded by prejudices, can form an opinion of 
theu' merits for themselves. 



/<■ 



miBW vs. 'ismwmmMj^ 



WiTHjN a (ew raaptlis past a pamphlet has issued from the press 
of Messrs. George Goodwin and Sons, of Hartford, entitled, " The 
Mischiefs of Legislative Caucuses exposed, in an address to the 
people of Connecticut, by Trumbull." This production has been 
distributed with great industry by the Federal runners; and what is 
somewhat extraordinary, the gentleman who has been most active in 
its distribution, is the author of Si7non Holdfast — a man, who, in his 
da^' and generation, has made more caucus harangues, and scribbled 
more-caucus addresses, than any ten men in Connecticut. Although this 
iittle work is evidently arranged by a more mischievous hand, aiid 
worded with a more nervous pen, than has latterly descended to 
manufacture political rockets, yet a careful examination of its con- 
tents, is alone necessary to convince any unbiassed mind, that, what- 
ever may be said of the writer's conclusions, his premises are unequi- 
vocally false, hypocritical, and hollow. And although his falsehoods 
are many of them artfully frosted over with an affectation of candour 
and fairness, yet, on penetrating the surface, we shall, if I mistake 
not, find the body of the work but little else than another specimen 
pf the political trash with which men, of daring ambition and disap- 
pointed hopes, when thrown from an elevated situation into a mi- 
nority, endeavour to poison the public mind. 

There, probably, never was a government on earth which has 
been assailed by such incessant slanders, as has that of Connecticut, 
since its administration was entrusted to Republican hands. Instead 
of exposing the measures of the administration to the public, if ex- 
posure they require, the Federalists have preferred to misrepresent 
the proceedings of the Legislature, and to libel both the political 
and private characters of its members. For this purpose, individuals 
have been employed to seat themselves in the gallery of the Assem- 
bly, session after session, to distort, caricature, and then dissect 
the proceedings of that body. So far, indeed, has this shameful 
business been carried, that in one instance at least, an individual, a 
stranger to our state, our laws, and our habits, who not long since 
was driven in disgrace from the gallery of the Legislature of a neigh- 
bouring state, has been imported into Connecticut, and made use of 
by his employers as a Reporter of Legislative proceedings for the 
Federal newspapers ! Facts like these, are too notorious to be de- 
nied, and too disgusting to require comment. It was hoped, how- 
ever, th<iit these abortive attempts to withdraw the confidence of the 
people from their pubUc servants, would, at least, have convinced 
the master spirits of the inexpediency of resorting to such unfair 
toeans of warfare, if it did not make them fo'-l the iniquity of the 



practice. The v/riter ol" tiie pamphlet, however, seems determined 
not to be deterred by the disgrace of his predecessors ; and advanceb. 
to his work like a veteran in the cause. 

The first position which " Trumbull" advances, is, that for the 
three last sessions of the Assembly, all important acts have been 
ftrst agreed upon in Legislative caucuses, at which, men \y\io were 
not members of the Legislature, have been admitted ; that, in this 
xvay, the public business has been wrested from the hands of the 
Legislators, and been transacted, in fact, by persons who were not 
members ol the Assembly, and not responsible to any one. Hit- 
language is as follows: " I come to iuform you, that your interests 
have not even been consulted for the three last sessions of the Ge- 
neral Assembly, and that the foulest corruption has defiled the sanc- 
tuary of Legislation." And again, " For the three last sessions it 
has been the constant practice of members of the Legislature to hold 
meetings, called caucuses, with any, and all, who see tit to assemble, 
from all parts of the state, of whatever character or standing." The 
writer then tells the " people of Connecticut," that, whatever is 
voted for at tiiese meetings, " is of course voted for by all who be- 
long to this party in the Legislature, whatever may be their own 
private opinions regarding it;" and in this way he afterwards con- 
tinues : " It is evident that as a viajority of the caucus do not helong 
to the Assembly, a measure of vital importance may be adopted 
against the conviction of every member of that body, in compliance 
with the decision of a caucus." 

This, certainly, is a heavy charge; and from the solemn manner 
in which Trumbull has brought it forward, and from »he importance 
of tlie subject to which it relates, one would expect to find it fortified 
by something like proof. He might, with as much propriety, have 
charged the Legislature with being composed of swindlers or high- 
waymen, and without stopping to make good his charges, have pro- 
ceeded most solemnly to convince the people that they should be 
di'jplaced, to make room for honest men. It is an easy matter for 
an anonymoiis writer thus to accuse tlie Legislature of defiling the 
sanctuary of Legislation with " tlie foulest corruption:" but there is 
a wide difference between saying a thing and proving it. If measures 
liave been adopted at meethigs, made up of men, a majority of whoui 
*•' do not belong to the Assembly," v.hicli measures were afterwards 
adopted by the Legislature, surely Trumbull could single out at 
least one act that had been thus imposed upon the Legislature. 
This he is bound to do, and this I challenge him to do, before the 
" people of Connecticut," to whom he has addressed his pamphlet. 
If Trumbull, or any other man, will point out a single Legislative 
act, which has been in this way forced through the ySssembly, I will 
yield iiim the point for which he contends ; but if this is not done, 
he must stand self convicted before the " people of Connecticut," 
as a foul libeller of their government, and wholly unworthy of their 
credit. That public meetings were occasionally hehl during the late 
session of the Assembly, and 1 presume at former sessions, composed 
of members of the House of Representatives, and others not mem- 
bers, I am not about to deny ; but I assert, without fear of contra- 
diction froui any man acquainted with tiie facts, that no subject coii- 



5 

iiectod wilii liie business before the Assembly, was ever agitated at 
these meetings. Every thing of that kind has been scrupulously 
avoided. Indeed, in repeated instances, during the two years past, 
while the Republicans were in this way assembled at one end of the 
State-house, the Fed.'ralists have been in like n.anner assembled at 
'le other. Whether there is any thing right or wrong, in •• brethren 
■A the same principle,'- thus forming congratulatory caucuses, aflfr 
the beat of an election has gone by, 1 do not pretend to say ; but I do 
say, if this " steady habit" is one that would be '' more hunourpd in 
the breach than in the observawce,'' if there is any thing improper 
in the practice, it has been transmitted to the party in power by their 
Federal predecessors. No caucus of any kind was ever held under 
the roof of a State-house by the Republican?, according to the ad- 
missions of Trumbull, till within the three years past; but there is 
not ^ reputable Federalist, accjuainted with the manoeuvres of his 
own party, who dare deny, that the Federalists have been in the coitf 
slaiit habit of cattcusing dui'ing the sessions of the Assembhf, and in 
the Council Chamber, from the year 1800 to I8l8. Does any man 
doubt tliis ? Let him turn to a file of the Connecticut Courant, printed 
by the same George Goodwin and sons, who have printed TrumbulTs 
pamphlet, and he will there find the caption of every Federal nomi- 
nation of assistants, for eighteen years past in succession, in the fol- 
lowing, or similar words : " At a numerous and respectable meeting 
of members of the General Assembly, and other gentlemen from vari- 
ous parts of the State, convened at the Council Chamber in Hart- 
ford, on the day of May last, it was voted to recommend to the 

freemen the following gentlemen to stand in nomination for As- 
sistants in September next." Then followed the ticket, arranged 
'■ in titled triumph," vvith an accompanying address to the freemen, 
iiot unfrequently written by some one of the candidates. If Trum- 
bull is the real friend of the State that he pretends to be. how could 
he shnnber in security for eighteen years in succession, while he and 
bis Federal friends were thus constantly caucusing in the '• Council 
Chamber," and yet stifien kis pen for an attack, the moment his op- 
ponents are suspected of assembling in a similar manner? 

It is evident from wliat we have already seen of IVumbuli's pam- 
phlet, tiiat the writer belongs to that unfortunate class of soured poli- 
ticians, who, haying lost the confidence of tlie people themselves, 
and having been consequently driven from office, now take a malig- 
nant pleasure in attempting to blacken the character of every man. 
who has been promoted since the sceptre of power was wrested fiom 
Federal hands. Hence he does not pretend to say tliat the measures 
pf the new administration have been " unwise ;" indeed he rather 
seems (though unwillingly) to admit, that " in the hands of the all- 
wise Providence," their measures will answer well enough. His 
hostility seems directed not against measures, but men. The present 
Congressional delegation are first selected, and condemned en massr, 
with a single sweep of the pen. Trumbull's language, whm speak- 
ing of our members of Congress, is as follows : " We have uniformly 
'' furnished the House of Representatives with gentlemen of thft 
•'first talents, of unquestionable integrity, and who. by their political 
\' opponents^ hixve been acknowledged to be the safe-t guardians of 



" iha public treasure. In the place of such men, (he continues,) who 
■ will be found in the next House of Representative^ ? I will not un- 
"• dertnke the disgusting task, of analyzing their characters." Trum- 
bull will not descend to compare the characters of our present mem- 
bers of Congress with the delegation which went before them ! No, 
be had much rather swagger in round assertions without stooping to 
proof. But he shall not escape in this way. I beg the reader to fol- 
low me for a iew moments, while wc come a little closer to those 
gentlemen *' of the first talents," who Trumbyll says, have uniform- 
ly composed our former delegation in the Congress of the United 
States. 

That Connecticut, before the principles of the revolution were 
entirely forgotten in her councils, sent men of the fust talents to Con- 
gress, is not to be denied. Those wore the days of the Wolcotts, 
the Griswolds, the Shermai>*, and the Ellsworths, of former times. 
But who, for the ten or fifteen years past, have " uniformly" filled 
the seats which were once occuj)ied by those venerable men ? Shall 
we find " the first talents" of the State embodied in the persons of 
Ebenezer Huntington or Uriel Holmes — of Epaphroditus Champion,. 
or John Davenport, jun. — of Lewis B. Sturges or Benjamin Tall- 
madge ? Several of these gentlemen, before they went to Congress, 
were in practice as lawyers : were they ever esteemed by their fel- 
low citizens as men, I will not say of ihe^rst, but of decent talents? 
Fostered as they have been from childhood, by the favours of the 
former government, and bolstered up by powerful patronage, where 
have they distinguished themselves in their professions ? But let us 
look at them seated in the hall of Legislation. On what subject 
have these gentlemen, or either of them, elicited " the first talents," 
as representatives of Connecticut in Congress ? I appeal to the re- 
ports of Congressional proceedings as published for fifteen years 
past in the newspapers, when I assert that foe of the gentlemen 
above named, were never hardly known to open their lips in the hall 
of Congress, except to move for the postponement of a bill, or, per- 
advenluro, to second a n)otion for .^n adjournment. Indeed it is 
r-aid, that the Jifl/i gentleman was, for several sessions in succession, 
rtired as a reporter, by the editors of newspapers, and, instead of en- 
tering into the debates himself, was thus gaining double pay, by 
taking down for the press the speeches of others : a humble employ- 
ment indeed for " the first talents" of the State! ! If the sixth gen- 
:leman was, during his Congressional career, more distinguished 
than his compeers, it was in an unfeeling attempt to wither the well 
earned laurels of three revolutionary patriots, who, while some of 
their officers were amassing fortunes by an illicit communication with 
';hc enemy, were honest enough to spurn at the bribes which their 
captive offered them. Is there a man of the present delegation, who 
would not feel himself dishonoured by being likened to even the most 
conspicuous of these gentlemen of '•' the first talents?" Trumbull 
has, indeed, informed us, that t'le late delegation were the " safest 
',aiard-.nn3 of the public trc.-asure;" but did our Senators and Repre- 
sentatives prove themselves the safest guardians of the public trea- 
sure, by unanimously voting for the odious Comjjensation Law ? 

But TrurjbuU objects to our present delegation, because, he says, 



they never were in public life before ; '•^ public ciiaructers lliey Jiavr 
not sustained," is his hmguage : and this objection comes from a 
man who knows that such has been the iron system of Connecticut 
aristociacy, that, until within the two years past, no man could sus- 
tain a '•' public character" here, unless he would servilely bow the 
knee to the creed of federalism. Trumbuirs theory is this ; if a man 
never wfls m public life, for that very reason he never should be. In 
other words, men must be born into public life ; they must come into 
the world full grown Congress men ! But let us see how facts will 
agree with TrumbuH's theory. Many of the most eminent states- 
men in the executive, legislative, and judicial branches of other states, 
and not a small portion of the representatives in the Senate and 
House of Representatives of Congress, from the states south and 
west of us, have been native Republicans of Connecticut, who were 
driven from the land of their forefathers, by the persecutions of the 
Federal administrations. And have these gentleujen been less con- 
spicuous in their respective stations, than they otherwise would have 
been, because the}' never sustained " public characters" in Connec- 
ticut ? Would the Meigs', the Barlows, the Baldwins, the Ruggles'. 
the Skinners, the Huntingtons, the Kirbys, the Porters, and others 
who were exiled from Connecticut on account of their political tenets, 
shi ink in comparison with Trimibull's '''• Congressmen born ?" Would 
their characters be unable to stand a trial with the Davenports, the 
Huntingtons, the Holmes', the Champions, and the Pitkins they left 
behind them ? If Connecticut Democrats have proved ornaments to 
their country, when representing the States which they have adopted, 
shall we presume that men of the same stamp are incapabte oi re- 
presenting the interests of their own State, and this too before we 
have tried them ? Shall we condemn them for no other or better 
reason than that they never were in Congress before ? If an indi- 
vidual whose reputation was as circumscribed as was Timothy Pit- 
kin's, of Farmington, when, in the course of steady habits, it became- 
his turn to be sent to Washington, was enabled to bear the blushing 
honours which his friends awarded him, surely Trumbull need not 
yet despair of the republic. I may indeed be told, that if Federalism 
were again reinstated in power, we should have better men tiiau 
formerly to represent us at Washington ; that " the best men," aye. 
*' the real friends of the State," would be promoted. But what evi- 
«le«ce have we of this ? Who were the men that were arrayed in 
titled stateliness on the last Federal Congressional ticket ? John 
Hall, Luther Paine, Asa Willey, Elijah Hubbard ! What these gen- 
tlemen, or either of them, have ever done to entitle them to be called 
" the best men," or men of " the first talents," I leave for the per/ 
of Trumbull to describe. 

Another of the sins which the pamphlet bewails, is, that in th< 
.Senate of the United States, a gentleman " who has been no less dis- 
tinguished for brilliancy than solidity of talents," has been suprr- 
seiled. The sparkling gentleman here alluded to, is undoubtedi} 
the Hon. Mr. Daggett. Much was, indeed, expected from this gi^n- 
tleman by his friends, when he was first elected to the Senate; from 
his previous standing with his party, their anticipations were hig'ily 
wrought. They supposed that they had selected a man who would 



8 

at least dislingulsh lilmseli in the national councils, rather than devoi-. 
himself to the dalliance of a drawing-room, or the flirtations of ;. 
tea party. How these expectations have been realized, I leave the 
friends of the honourable gentleman to say. That he has talents 1 
admit, but it is known that his conduct at Washington created mur- 
murings among his own party long before the revolution in Connec- 
ticut was elfected. And to them I appeal, when I say that this gen- 
tleman never originated, or was at all conspicuous in the discussion 
of a single important measure as a member of the Senate, during 
the six years of his service. He was indeed active in Ibrwarding a 
bill, after another had been elected to take his place in the Senate, 
to increase the number of Judges of the Supreme Court of the United 
States : whether it is true or not that he expected, had the bill been 
passed, to have been one of the additional Judges, I do not pretend 
to deteiinine. If, however, his influence was unknown in the Senate, 
it was ff It in the Legislature of his own State. Most of the rash acts 
of the Connecticut Assembly, during the war, which have since hurled 
the actors into retirement here, are traceable to the secret manage- 
ment of this individual. Indeed it is said that the law prohibiting 
the enlistment of minors into the army of the United States, while 
?-lr. Monroe was Secretary at War, was originally penned by Mr. 
Daggett, and introduced into our Legislature at his request. These 
are the strongest claims which Trumbull, or any one else can urge 
in his favour ; and they doubtless were duly appreciated by the Le- 
gislature of Connecticut, when they saw fit to appoint his successor. 

There is no part of Trumbull's pamphlet, in which the writer has 
so completely removed his mask, and allowed us to look at his real 
character, as in that where he attempts to weaken tlie confidence of 
this community, in the highest Judicial Tribunal of the State. Speak- 
ing of our Supreme Court, he uses the following insidious language : 
" Your Judiciary, fellow citizens, where is it ? A few years since it 
" was your pride ; it was the admiration of your surrounding neigh- 
" hours : — where is it now?" This question, he afterwards answers 
thus : " I need not say, that the honour of our State is prostrate ; and 
" that we are humbled in the dust." We have here another specimcii 
of Trumbull's broad assertions, and wordy rant, without a solitary 
fact, or a particle of proof, to support any one allegation that he ad- 
vances. If the honour of our State were '"• indeed humbled in the 
dust," Trumbull could certainly point us to some flaw in the profes- 
sional or private character of some one of the Judges, which should 
render him unfit for his station. That Trumbull had every disposition 
to do this, if it could be done, the harsh language which I have 
quoted from his writings, clearly proves; and if he has not done if 
we may safely infer, it is owing not to a want of will, but to a warn 
of facts. 

But to show how far alike from truth, decency, and consistency, 
the author of the pamphlet, in the plenitude of his malice, is capable 
of wandering, I need only refer to the fact, that two of the five Judgr- 
of our Superior Court, who are thus accused of humbling our honou 
in tiie dust, were first elevated to their seats under the Federal ad- 
ministration. A third, is a gentleman who maintained the first pra< - 
tice, when at the bar, of any practitioaer in the western section oi 



9 

the state; and whose mind has for many years boon habitunlly (Wr- 
ciplincd to legal disqrasilions, by devotinc; his loisiire hours to quali- 
tying dillerent classes of students for admission at the bar. 1 might 
add further, that he has in times past been recommended to the 
people, by the Fedrralists thenf;5<?lves, as a tanfhdatc for some of 
the most responsible dikes in the state. Another of the court, is 
a man of extensive reading, and great industry, who was at tiic head 
of the practice in the county to wliich he formerly Ijclonged, and 
who recently held one of the tnost responsible offices in the slate, in 
the gift of the general government. His legal attainments were 
never questioned Ijy the most bitter of his enemies, and his integ- 
rity was never known to waver in the worst of times. The remain- 
ing member of the court, is a gentlemrn who was elected at the last 
session of the Assembly, by an almost unanimous vote of both 
branches of the Legislature. When at the bar, his talents and up- 
rightness wore always admitted bj- tlie profession; and to siiow that 
they have been iully acknowledged, even by his political opponents, 
I need only refer to the very flattering manner in which he was call- 
ed to the bench. Such are the men, who, Trumbull would insinu- 
ate, are unworthy of their seats. Two of them, placed in oilier 
under the former administration, and continued by the present : 
a third, elected by the conciirrent vote of both Federalists aicl 
Republicans; and one of the remaining two, a gentleman who has 
been repeatedly recommended to the highest ofTicesby the Federalists 
themselves. These men have all maintained the first rank at the 
bar; they are now in the piime of life, and in the nfiidst of their use- 
fulness. I disdain the idea of attempting to underrate the talents 
o( gentlemen, who have heretofore been honoured with seats upor) 
the bench of our Supreme Court ; but I defy the most microscopic 
observer to point out a period in our judicial history, when the bench 
of our highest court was filled by men, who, as a body, have had 
greater advantages, or higher qualifications, than those of our 
fellov/ citizens who at present constitute the court. 

The Republicans have, indeed, been censured for not appointing, 
last May, all the nine Judges of tiie old Superior Court, to the bench 
of the present Supreme Court ; and this censure comes from men 
who know that by a law, which was advocated and voted for by the 
Federalists themselves, the court could not after the last year, be 
composed of more than five judges. And the names of the super- 
numeraries, by way of creating a sort of theatrical effect, are strung 
up in staring capitals by Trumbull, as men who have been turned ovf 
of office. On no subject have greater attempts been made to misre- 
present facts, and mislead the public mind, than on this. The truth 
is, not one of the old Judges has been turned out of office. The 
offices of all of them were held by annual appointments, and expired 
by their own limitation on the 20th of May ; and this too, by a law 
which was enacted by a Federtil legislature. 

To place this subject in its proper light, it will be ne^-essary to 
look a little at the history of our Courts. The old Superior Court 
of the State formerly consisted of but fvc Judges. In 1808, at a pe* 
iriod when Republicanism was spreading rapidly throughout the 



10 

"ijniou, uiid when party spirit ran liigJi in Connecticut, the Then Fe-' 
<leral administration of the State deemed it necessary to strengthen 
the government, by drawing around it as many men of talents a*; 
otlkes could command. About this period, the power of admittintr 
ireemen was wrested from the hands of the selectmen, elected by 
tlie different towns, and placed under the control of ollke holders, 
who derived their appointment from the legislature. By an old law 
the Superior Court had the power of disfranchising any Freeman. 
The list of office holders was increased at this time, in every depart- 
ment of the government ; and at the May session of the Assembly, 
7 80(>, the Judges of the Superior Court were increased by an act of the 
Legislature, from Jive to nine. No honest Federalist will pretend, 
that public necessity, or convenience, even required us to support 
'roai tlie Treasury, nine Judges for our Superior Court. No State 
In the Union, at the time of this accession to our bench, had more 
thiin live Judges ; and even the Supreme Court of the United States, 
■fvhich performs business for immense circuits, consisted of but seven 
Judges. AVhy then should the small State of Connecticut, embracing 
an extent of territory hardly larger than the old county of Hamp- 
shire, in Massachusetts, support nine Judges, when the large States 
of Massachusetts on the north, and New-York on the west of us, 
have never felt the necessity of liaving more than five i The reason 
of this sudden increase of govermental patronage, which formed so 
conspicuous a part of the system of 1806, " cannot be found in the 
ordinary operations of party spirit, but must be sought after'' in the 
implacable and persecuting poUcy of the designing men, who at that 
time wielded the power of the State. That the additional Judges, 
who were thus unnecessarily placed upon the bench, were men of 
talents, cannot at all vary the justice of the measure; — if these ap- 
pointments were created to brace up a party, it was no more than 
right, that the law which authorized them, should be struck from the 
statute book when it ceased to answer the purpose for which it was 
made. Accordingly, among the leading acts of the Republican As- 
sembly in 181S, was a law to reduce the Superior Court from nine 
to five Judges, thereby restoring the bench to the situation in wliich 
it was when the Federalists began to tamper with it. Indeed, so self- 
evident was the propriety of tliis step, that although the bill to reduce 
the Court was introduced by a Republican, yet it was advocated and 
voted for by a majority of the Federal party in the House. 

In May, 1819, when the present court was organized, this law of 
the preceding session, limiting the court to five, came into operation ; 
and by an act which had been previously j)assed by a Federal as- 
sembly, the offices of all the old judges expired. Under these cir- 
cumstances, how should the new court have been organized ? Trum- 
bull would insinuate that the five new judges should all have been 
elected from the original nine ; indeed he would seem to claim that 
the whole nine should have been re-appointed, although tlie law con- 
lined the Legislature to five! The Assembly, however, in making 
their selection, took four of the judges from the old court; and the 
fifih, though not a member of the former court, was elected by an 
•almost unanimous vote. The supernumeraries, who were thus per- 
mitted to retire at the expiration of their ofljccs, according to Trum- 



11 

'biiii, rocrc turned nut. With what propriety this is said, I leave the 
reader to judge. 

Trumbull has also told us, that one of the supernumerar}' Judges 
had taken a part in the war of the revolution ; and lience he argues, 
that he. .vhatever might be iiis other qualifications, should have been 
selected as one of the five. Revolutionarv services certainly rank 
among the most honoinable testimonials for public otlice, and where 
the qualifications of rival candidates are equal, ought always to pre- 
ponderate. But dare the persecutors of Major \Villiam Judd and 
his associates, hold such language? The case <){ Major Judd was 
this. He had been a brave and an accomplished officer in the Re- 
volutionary war; he afterwards was a Justice of the Peace in Con- 
necticut ; and while he held this office, he asserted, in a Republican 
coiivention, that Connecticut ought to have a written constitution of 
ci\il government. For this declaration, he was arraigned as a cul- 
prit at the bar of the Assembly ; men were hired at the public ex- 
pense to conduct a prosecution against him ; and after a hearing, 
he was deprived of his commission of the Peace, in a way calculated 
above all others to wound the feelings of an honourable man. The 
accusers of this revolutionary patriot, were unv/illing that he should 
go out of office at the expiration of hrs terra ; six months was too 
long a period for a Republican, who had expressed opinions favour- 
able to the formation of a constitution, to hold even the office of a 
Justice of the Peace. And what adds to the damning nature of this 
procedure, is. that at the opening of the late convention, a vote was 
adopted, in which the Federalists themselves, with two or three ex 
ceptions, expressed the sentiments of Major Judd, by declaring thai 
it was then '' expedient, that the State of Connecticut should have a 
constitution of civil government." Surely, these men are the last 
who should venture to talk of revolutionary services as a recom- 
mendation lor public office, so long as they can be made to remember 
the name of JUDD. 

If Trumbull is to be beUeved, the republicans since they became a 
majority, have confined themselves to a system of political exclusion, 
hi their a]>pointments to office, which their predecessors knew nothing, 
of; — a system which is represented in high wrought colours, as bor- 
dering upon intolerance itself, — and which a fair retaliation upoii 
federahsm would not warrant. His language is this : " In regartl to 
sherifls, judges of courts of common pleas, justices of quorum, judge;; 
of probate, justices of peace, clerks of courts, and even down to 
commissioners of turnpike roads, there has been one sweep of remo- 
val, with few exceptions, arising out of particular circ^imstanci'S."' Ii 
Trumbull has here misrepresented the facts, we can find no apology 
for him, because the Registers of appointments under (he former, 
and present government, were ready at his hands, and a sliglit refer- 
ence to this documentary evidence, would have easily tested the com- 
parative liberality of the two administrations. 

As to justices of peace, who according to Trumbull have all, 
" with few exceptions," been monopolized by the present majority, 1 
assert it as a fact, and appeal to the list of appointments for the 
present year, aspublished, for the truth of the declaration, that more 
than two hundred of the justices now in commission, were first ap- 



12 

j^ointcd uiidci- tiit; Icderiil administration j and I aL-o declare, and 
apixal to the public records lor the truth of what I say, that under 
the icucral administration, instead o( two hundred, tliere were not 
>V/Mepubli(ans in coniniission as justices. On whom tiien, does the 
charge otilJiberality and intokvance justly fall ? Which party has been 
v'uilty of monopolizing all the appointments, " with itiw exceptions, 
arising out of particulai' circumstances''? Two hundird to ten are 
rather fearful odds, — and yet the yutriotic pen of Trumbull way 
never known to move itself in iavor oi the rights of the minority 
during the twenty years that the chariot wheels of lederalisin were 
;irinding democracy in the dust ! Init it is not in the minor appoint- 
lijonts of justices and road commissioners, that I would particularly 
draw a parallel between the two administrations, — but in regard to 
the higher and more lucrative appointments of '• sheriffs, judges of 
courts of common pKaj', justices of quorum, judges of probate, and 
clerks of courts." These oliices, •'' the peo[>l(,' of Connecticut" have 
been tokl, have "with few exceptions," all been filled by new ap- 
pointments. How stands the fact? Theie are in the state eight 
sheriffs, twenty-four judges of common pleas courts, and justices oi 
quorum — thirty judges >j( probate, twenty-one clerks of the superior, 
common pleas, and city courts ; making in all eighty-three offices, 
v.'hich Trumbull informs us, '• have been visited with a pestilential 
sweep of removal, with icw exceptions," since the republicans gained 
an ascendency, Uut on turning to Green's Connecticut P.egister, 
the reader will find that of the iwenty-lbur judges, and quorum jus- 
tices, one third nov/ in oJMce, were tirst appointed under the former 
administration, and have been continued in office by the present; — 
of thirty judges of probate, nearly one half received their commis- 
sions undi r the federal administration, — and of the twenty-one 
clerkships, twenty are now held by federalists, and but a solitary one 
by a republican ! These facts then, which are supported by tlie pub- 
lic records, may be thus condensed : of the eight //-three offices abovt: 

■ numerated, and v.hich Trufnbull says have been cleared by a single 
'• sweej) of removal," hwt firfyfire have been filled by new appoint- 
ments, and th;' remaining thir'y-tight remain as they were when tlu 
repuLiicans came uito power, i^et us now see how this result com- 
j.aies witii the federal li.-t of appointments of 1S15, and ISlG. Among 
the tiien eighty-three offices above m-liced, but a solitary man (Isaac 
Silencer,) can be found who was a republican. There was a pciiod, 
during the early part of the federal administration, when a republi- 
can, the present collector of the port of New-Haven, was clerk of 
the superior court for tiie county to which he belonged ; and although 
all the other clerks in the state were at the time federalists, yet such 
was the polilical proscription of the day, that notwithstanding hi.> 
acknowledged capacity for the office, he was dismissed to make room 
Um- the present incumbent. With facts like these before us, the fede- 
lalisls of Connecticut should be tlie last men on earth to complain ol 
being excluded from office. Wliik- they were at the acme of power, 
among eiulit hundreil justices of their appointment, not ten republi- 
cans could be named; and among nearly one inindred of higher a[>- 
puintmenis, but a solitary democrat was tolerated in office ! 

■ We are told by Truiubi:!!, at ll;e close of his pamphlet, and with ;■ 



\ie\vit* possible, lo create a division in the republitctn ranks, if iiis 
labours should in other respects be lost, that the new ap[)ointnients 
have been generally confined to what are denoniinaled '• toleration- 
Ists," or nie-n wiio lurnierly acted with the lederal party, — and the 
republicans of the old school, have '• during the pa.?t year, been left 
>n the back ground." Hcjually false and hypocritical with the rest, 
is this pretence. Of the forti/-Jire new appointments alluded to 
heretofore, fo/y/z-OHe are held by old school republicans, and hut fuur 
by gentlemen \vho were formerly connected with the federal party. 
And yet Trumbull has the unblushing impudence to declare, that 
'' the democrats of the old school have been left in the back ground," 
vvhei^ he, and every intelligent man of his party knows, that there 
are even now ten federalists in otiice to one of the tolerationists,"' 
whom he would represent as n:onopoli'/,ing the appointments." If 
Trumbull and his instigators have supposed that the " people of 
Connecticut" can be imposed upon by inconsistencies thus gross, by 
falsehoods thus flagrant, ihey have yet to learn the temper and cliai - 
cter of the peoi)le \vhoin they have thus attempted to dupe, 
h there ever was an administration that was completely justified 
in permitting a goodly portion of its officers to letire from their sta- 
rions, it was the adroinistration of Connecticut, after the bilter oppo- 
• ition it had encountered in the election of April, 1819. It will be 
remembered that the Assembly of May 1818, was the tlrst which af- 
forded the republicans a majority in both branches of the legislature, 
and imposed on them the responsibility of making the appointments. 
The public records of that session will warrant me in saying, that 
/wo t.'iirds of the then annual appointments, were re-appointments of 
men who were in office uiider the former administration. Indeed the 
higher and lucrative appointments, were almost without an excep- 
iion left in federal hands. The republicans in this respect were not 
only liberal, but they were liberal to a fault. Good men of both 
(larries, were at this time in hopes that the generous policy of the ad- 
ministration towards the minority, would serve in some measure to 
>nn)oth down the asperity o\ party violence. About this period, tho 
fideralists convened in caucus, and agreed to " strike their colours.'* 
-Hut little did we ti'.en suppose that this ceremony of striking colours 
was only to serve as a signal for the creeping, crooked warfare, 
'.vhich marked the opposition of 1818. It Avas always known that 
there were many excellent men who acted with the federal party, 
who were real republicans in principle, but who had been so often 
told that our school fund would be wasted, that our literary institu- 
tions would languish, and our judiciary be made to waver with every 
popular breeze, if the democrats should ever gain the ascendancy, 
that they were deterred from acting their real feelings. According- 
ly among the most prominent provisions of our constitution, we find 
ihat our school fund is guarded by barriers which no leoislative act 
can over dissolve— the charter of our college is confirmed, and our 
judiciary placed beyond the reach of party. If the federalists had 
been sincere in their former pretensions, would they not have cordial- 
ly approved of an instrument which secured to them and their pos- 
terity such important points ? In convention, and when acting under 
th'< "^ohnniity nf an nath, a majority of the federal dQlcgatcs did in- 



14 

deed approve of t-iis instrument, and in a solemn manner reconfi> 
mended it to their constituents for adoption. Jjut, fellow citizens, to 
tlie eternal disgrace of the federal party be it said, as soon as it was 
«.liscovered that there was a distant probability of rejecting the con- 
stitution, these same delegates, "in defiance of their best judgment, 
and when your interests and mine, and that of the state and posteri- 
ty, and the solemn oath of God required them'' to vote in favor of 
the ratification — •• voted in direct oppositioa to their own conviction, 
in obedience to the decision of a caucus ! .'* 

The constitution, however, triumphed over all the opposition that 
could be brought to bear against it. But although the colours of 
federalism had been formally struck, and although two thirds o{ the 
offices were held by federalists, yet the administration at the very 
next election in April, was assailed by an opposition more violent and 
viperous tlian it had ever before encountered. Will it be said that 
the re[)ublicans, under these circumstances, should have tamely sui- 
rendered up the reins of government? Should federal opposition 
be appeased at the expense of every office in the state ? — for it seems 
Hothing short of this could satisfy its demands. Or did self respect, 
did public tranquillity point out a different course ? I make the ap- 
peal to any honorable federalist — nay, I appeal to Trumbull himself, 
tv.) say what would have been the course that he would have advised, 
had circumstances been reversed. Would he have recommended 
a milder course than to disarm the leaders of this unreasonable 
clamour? I venerate that religion which teaches man to forgive his 
enemy, but I know of no rule of gospel charity that requires him to 
arm an enemy with u dagger which has been once aimed at his 
heart. 

But why does Trumbull fill up his pamphlet, by praising the merits 
of certain office Jtolclcis under the former administration, and slan- 
<iering the characters of men who have been placed in office since ? 
Is this champion of FederRlism v.illing to admit, that the emoluments 
of oll'ice are ail that his party is contending for ? Or, are we to sup- 
pose that the creed of his party is so pliable, as to be warped into the 
support of any measures, if tliey can but be permitted once more to 
Rionopolize the a|>poinlments ? '' It is not my intention,'' says Trum- 
bull, '- to enter into a discussion of the particular acts of tlve General 
Assembly, since this party (the Republicans) obtained the ascendancy 
in our councils." This is tlie first time, I presume, that an adminis- 
tration has been attacked, wlic'n not one of its measures has beru 
shown to be undeserving of public confidence. It would have given 
me additional satisfaction to have met Trumbull here ; and although 
we may fairly construe his unwillingness to " enter into a discussion 
of the parii'.ular acts of tiie General Assembly," into a virtual ac- 
knowledgment that these acts deserve the continued support of the 
people of Connecticut, yet 1 will not on this subject avail myself of 
his tacit admissions, but propose briefly to examine some of the lead- 

*Tliis oiujcns was licld at Hartford soon after the rising of the convention,-^ 
and fioni it issued liie messengers, iiandliiils and circulars, wljicli were scattered 
in all parti of ibe state previous to the day on which liie coiislitulioii was iJti- 
fieu. 



15 

ing acts which have followed " the ascendancy of Republicanism in 
our councils." 

On no subject have the people of this State been so studiously de- 
ceived, as in the situation of the public funds. Before tlie late revolu- 
tion, they were told that the Treasury was always full, and that a 
change in that department would be necessarily attc^nded by a waste 
of the public money. The characteristic and laudable caiefulness of 
the people of Connecticut, on every subjert relating to the pecuniary 
interests of the state, was thus seized upon by artfid men, to strengthen 
diemselves in power. An occurrence happened soon after the election 
of the present Treasurer, which afforded an opportunity to the men 
who had been thus predicting a waste of the public money, to claim 
a fulfilment of their prophecy. I allude to the loan, which was au- 
thorized by the Assembly in October, 1818. No act of the present 
Administration has probably raised so much excitement as this loan 
for sixty days, in anticipation of the taxes. It was immediately turn- 
ed against the men in power, and made use of as the main battery of 
attack, throughout the slrongl}' contested election of 1819. Pam- 
phlets, hand bills, and newspapers, were loud in proclaiming that the 
democrats had dissipated the public mone}' ; and the loan to which 
[ have alluded, was relied on with perfect confidence, as placing the 
fact beyond a question. Little did the people at that time suppose, 
that the very men who were most instrumental in raising this clamour, 
had been in the constant habit for years, of feeding the hollow cofiers 
of their ^^ full 2'reasuri/,'- by a continued series of loans ; and that 
the measure, adopted in this instance by the Republicans, was but a 
continuation of a system of borrowing, which had been secrethj pur- 
sued by the Federalists, till the power was wrested from their hands. 
What Federalist, one year ago, would have acknowledged that the 
loan of October, 1818, was a measure which grew out of Federal 
policy — a measure, that was forced upon the Legislature by the im- 
poverished state of the Treasury, at the time it was placed under 
Repubhcan controul ? And yet, such is the undeniable fact. To show- 
that I am correct on this point, I need but refer to the following 
transcripts of the public records, authorizing Mr. Kingsbury to bor- 
Tow money, to keep up the credit of the State. 

LOAN OF 1808. 

STATE OP CONNECTICUT. 

" At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at 
Hartford on the 2d Thursday of May, being the 12th day of said 
month, and continued by adjournment until the 3d day of June, 1808 : 

" Resolved, by this Assembly, that the Treasurer of this State, 
be and he is hereby authorized to borrow any sum or sums not ex- 
ceeding eight thousand dollars, for the purpose of defraying the Civil 
List expenses of this State, for the current year, and paying the last 
instalments due the Core Company. 

" Resolved, by this Assembly, that such dividends as shall within 
one year from the rising of this Assembly, be received of the Com- 
missioner of loans, on account of reimbursement of principal of tho 
stock ckwncd by this State in the funds of the United States, be ap- 



16 

piled in payment of the Civil List c:;penscs of tliis ilaic ioi tiic : , 
rent year. 

•' A tnio copv of record, examined In 

THOJMAS DAY, Secretary. 

LOAN IN OCTOCEK, ISOS. 
" Resolved, by tliis Assembly, that the Treasurer of this State be. 
and he is hereby authorized, to borrow on the credit of the State, 
such sum or sums not exceeding fifteen tho'i«and dollars, as may be 
found necessary to dischart^r the Civil List demands on the Treasury 
previous to the first day of February next, over and -above the sums 
that now are or may be paid into the Treasury previous to that pe- 
riod. 

'•' A true copy of record, examined by 

" THOMAS DAY, Secretary." 

LOAN IN OCTOBER, 1809. 
'•• Resolved, by this Assembly, that the Treasurer of this State be, 
;ind he is hereby authorized, to borrow on the credit of the State, 
*vvelve thousand dollars of any bank or banks incorporated by thi-* 
.State, to be repaid as soon as the exigencies of the Treasurer wiH 
permit. 

'■'• A true copy of record, examined by 

"THOMAS DAY, Secretary." 

LOAN LN MAY, 1815. 

'• Resolved, by this Assembly, that the Treasurer of this State be. 
and he is hereby authorized to borrow such sum or sums of money 
as may be necessary to supply the deficiencies of the Treasury in 
defraying the expenses of the State, until the session of the Genera) 
\ssembly in October next. 

'•' A true coi\v of record, examined by 

« THOMAS DAY, Secretary." 

LOAN IN OCTOBER, 1813. 

*' Resolved, by this Assembly, that the Treasurer of this Sate be- 
and he is hereby authorized to borrow on the credit of the State, such 
sum or sums of money as may be necessary, not e.xceeding thirty 
thousand dollars, to be repaid as soon the exigencies of the Treasury 
M'ill perniil. 

'' A true cop3' of record, examined by 

" THOMAS DAY, Secretary." 

These resolutions, as I am informed, were always passed just at 
the close of each session of the Assembly, when the members began 
to think more of their debenture bill, than the means by which it was 
to be met ; and such was the management by which these resolutions 
were hurried througli, in the confusion of closing the session, that 
hardly ten men in the house, excepting: the Spea'.er, V.nrw their oh- 



17 

jcct. Indeed, so completely were die people kept in llic dark oi» UM 
subject, that since the publication of these resolutions, hardly a man 
can be found, even amony: the oldest federal members of the i^egis- 
/ lature, who knew, or is willing to acknowledge, that such means had 
been resorted to by his party. 

To bring the Treasury into a situation that would enable it to meet 
the demands upon it, without imposing additional taxes, and to re- 
deem it from the time-serving policy of secret loans, which had been 
necessary to sustain its credit during the ten last years of the Federal 
administration, were among the first objects to which the Republicans 
turned their attention. Hence, most of their leading acts have tend- 
ed to lessen, and not a single act has tended to increase the expenses 
of the government. A recapitulation of some of these acts may not 
come amiss. 

By reducing the number of judges of the superior 
court from nine to five, an annual saving has been made of ^4,200 

By reducing the county courts from five to three, in 
each county, our expenses have been lessened 3,00Q 

By dispensing with the fall session of the assembly, 
there will ordinarily be saved 12,500 

By reducing the school fund commissioner's extra salary 500 

$20,200 
Making in all upwards of twknty thousand dollars per annum ; 
a sum amounting to more than ttoojifths of the whole nett proceeds 
of the state tax. Had the men who have been loud in accusing the 
republicans, of wasting the public money, instead of increasing the 
expenses of our courts in 1806, by an unexampled and useless in- 
crease of judges, — then laid the foundation for similar retrenchment, 
of public expenditures, they would have been able, instead of suiren- 
dering up in 1818, an exhausted treasury, to have transferred up- 
wards of THREE HUNDRED THOUSAND DOLLARS, in addition to the 
present permanent funds of the state. And yet, it is no less singu- 
lar than true, that the particular acts of the men in power, which 
have efl'ected this salutary reduction of our ex])enses, have been 
more severely censured, and more violently assailed by their oppo- 
nents, than any other measures of the assembly. Hence the reduc- 
tion of the number of our judges, is rudely called " a prostration of 
our judiciary;" the dispensing with the fall session of the legislature, 
is called " a wanton disrespect to the best habits of the state ;" ancl 
even dispensing with the extra pay of the school fund commissioner, 
called forth a resentful communication from that officer to the legis- 
lature, in which he very distinctly intimated, when alluding to this re- 
duction, that nothing but a sense of public duty prevented him from 
depriving the people at once of his future services, by wididrawing 
from his station. Indeed it seems to be openly avowed by the federal 
newspapers, that a reversal of these measures, which thus diminish 
the public burthens, would take place, should their ticket be elected. 
What success ought to attend a list oi candidates, thus lin.ided by a 
perpetual olaim of twenty thousand dollars a year upon the pub- 
lic treasury, I leave to be determined by the sound sense and honest 
independence of the electors. 

The school fund, which we were often told would melt away, 
should it be placed within republican reach, I have already observ- 
ed instead of being diminished, lias been by an article of the consti-^ 



18 

tution, W'liich i"io legiblalivc act can vaA- ' inviolably anpropMatcci 
to the support and encouragement of tlie public schf»nk thro*igh'>»it 
the state, and for the equal benefit of all the people thereof." And 
when we consider, that during the late war, when the treasury was 
pressed for money, some of the leading politicians of the day advo- 
cated the appropriation of a part of our school money to defray the 
expenses of the state in its mad projects against the union — I say, 
when this is taken into consideration, we may view the article of the 
constitution above noticed, by itself, ;i< wortii all vhe toil and expense 
which the constitution has cost the slnte. Had that instrument con- 
tained but this single provision, it would have been cheaply purchas- 
ed. The same article which has tliiis guarded this " precious depo- 
sit," also provides, that •■' the value and amount of said' fund shall 
as soon as practicable, be ascertained, in such manner as the epneral 
assembly may prescribe, published, and recorded in the comptroller's 
office." The importance of such a provision, which places this sa- 
cred fund constantly under the eye of the assembly, will be felt, 
when it is remembered that although this fund was originally scan-ed 
to the state at an interest of six per cent, yet its dividends have 
never averaged over from three to four per cent. I do not say, nor 
do I insinuate, that this diminution of dividends below the rate which 
was originally secured, is owing to any want of good management, 
since the present commissioner was appointed, — but I do say, that 
the party who, when entrusted by the people with their property to 
the amount of a million of dollars, secured at six jjer cent, have not 
been able to divide over four per cent, should be the last to charge 
their opponents with incapacity. They may if they please, style 
themselves " the real friends of the state,'' but the mouths of such 
"friends of the state," should be forever closed on the subject of the 
school fund. 

The new system of taxation, perhaps, ranks among the most con- 
spicuous measures of the republican administration. This system 
is bottomed upon the principle, that property should be made to pay 
towards the support of governnK.nt, in proportion to its value and 
income, ahyays provided tiiat articles of luxury should be taxed 
higher than those articles which constitute the necessaries of life. 
The radical defect of our old law was, that it was calculated to ope- 
rate upon an entirely diflerent state of society from what now exists 
in Connecticut. Commerce had not at the formation of that sys- 
tem, created the inequalities in wealth which now exist. The pro- 
perty of the state was more uniformly distributed, and less concen- 
trated in overgrown fortunes, than it has been since the establish- 
ment of banks, and the grov.'th of our cities and large towns — the lux- 
uries of a more extravagant state of society had not been introduced, 
and the variety of bank, bridge, turnpike, insurance, and government 
{Stocks, which now swallow up the surplus funds of our wealthy capi- 
talists, were unknovv'n in Connecticut. Hence our forn.er systenfj 
was predicated upon the supposition that all property of the same 
kind, was of the same value, or of about the same value; and no dis- 
ciimination was made between the taxable value of the same species of 
property. The house in the country, for instance worth 800 dollars, was 
made to contribute as much as the house in one of our large towns, 
Worth 8000 dollars, if they each had an equal number of fire- 
places. The horse worth tiiirty dollars, paid as much as the horse 
• worth one hundred and lil'ty dolhus. The watch worth ten dollars^ 



19 

• 

•uiich .'•s Uic '. ii one liuiKired dollats. And liie acre oi 

1! )«' land WDiil 'ollars, as much as tlie acre of plow land 

worth eighty dollars. And even the poor man's cow, whicli the law 
humanely considers, so far an " article necessary to uphold life," as 
to exempt it from being taken for debt, was made to pay a higher 
tax than two hundred dollars in bank stock — more than six acres of 
plow land worth forty dollars per acre — more than eighteen acres oi 
(uninclosedj wood land, worth eighty dollars per acre — more than 
forty-one acres of second rate (uninclosed) wood land, worth fifty 
dollars an acre — more than a table set of silver plate— more than 
three building lots located in one of our principal cities, worth in all, 
three thousand dollars. Indeed the poor man's cow, when the ownei' 
was not possessed of land enough for the animal to stand upon, xvas 
taxed for its protection, while the nabob v/ho lived wilhout labour 
jpon the dividends of his insurance, bridge, turnpike, and United 
States stock, Was not required to pay a dollar for his wealth ! 

It was to renied\' these and other similar inequalities, that the new 
tax law was framed. Whether it has effected itsoljject, an examination 
of its bearings will show. Under the new law, the house Vvorth eight 
thousand dollars, instead of paying no more than one worth eight 
hundred, must pay ten dollars, where the house worth eight hundred 
pays one. The horse worth one hundred and fifty dollars, must pay 
five dollars, where a horse worth thirty pays one dollar. The watch 
worth one hundred dollars, must pay ten dollars, wdiile a watch 
worth ten pays one dollar. The plow land worth eighty dollars per 
acre, instead of paying no more than similar land worth twenty dol- 
lars, must now pay four times as much as the inferior land. The 
two hundred dollar? in bank stock, which formeily paid less than the 
cow of a poor family, must now pay as much as ten cows ; the tabic 
set of silver plate, must pay as much as forty cows, the three thou- 
sand dollars invested in building lots, as much as seventy cows. I 
might run the parallel further, but enough has already been said to 
explain the principles of the former, and the present system. 

A complaint has indeed been made, that articles of luxury will 
pay a higher tax under the new law than ought to be imposed upon 
them. I'hese articles, such as high priced carriages, silver plate, 
expensive mansion houses, &c. have in all governments, been con- 
sidered as ranking among the first and fairest objects of taxation. 
The tax upon these articles, like the former whiskey tax of the United 
States, is one which can be either dispensed with or not, by the citi- 
zen. If, however, it should appear that these articles have been 
placed at too high a rate in the list, the connective power is in the 
next legislature, who can vary the rates, if necessary, without inter- 
fering at all witli the general features of the system, as their consti' 
tuents shall will. TrOmbull has, indeed, given us an oblique objec- 
tion (the only one he condescends to make) to the system ; which 
is, that " it provides no rules for the valuation of the articles subject 
to taxation." And hence he would leave us to infer, that the asses- 
sors of one town may adopt a different rule in their valuations, from 
that adopted by the assessors of its neighbouruig town. This ob- 
jection might apply with some force in other states, but it cannot 
here. Because, in Connecticut, each town dr.'xws from tiie treasury 
its school money in proportion to the taxes paid in ; and every town 
receives more in this way from the state treasury than it pays. By 
the original bill, as rir=;t reported to th^ legislature, it was provide^ 



'ihai a commissioner should be appointc<l in each county, to revjcV * 
;ind equalize tlie assessments of the several towns. Tlie county com- 
niissioners were again to constitute a general board, to equalize the 
grand list of the State. Had this provision prevailed, Trumbull's 
difficulty would have been prevented. And I put it to him to say, 
why this provision was not adopted ? Truth will cojnpel him to ac- 
.i;nowledgc, that this feature of the bill was violently opposed in the 
House of Representatives by the wIk^Ic federal party, with .Messrs. 
Law, Goddard, Pitkin, Austin, and Williams at their head ;^and was 
fuially stricken out by the Senate, and concurred in by the lower house, 
l.o make the bill more acceptable to ihese gentlemen. The grounc' 
taken bv tlie minority then was, that the school money would alway^ 
••erve as a regulatoj', and that commissioners were unnecessary. 
In this, I believe, they were correct; though their subsequent con- 
duct shows they were at the time insincere ; for they now fuld fault 
with the very features of the law, which theil* 'friends once boasted 
they " fought into the bill." 

The exemption from the poll tax of all persons over sixty years 
of age, and all under twenty-one, is a prominent improvement of the 
new system, particularly the exemption of minors. The branch of 
the old law which recjuired a farmer or mechanic, to pay for the 
polls of his children or apprentices, was calculated in a peculiar man- 
ner to bear upon the industry, if not the poverty of the state. The 
children of the rich, who were sent to college, or educated for either 
of the learned professions, the sons of the nohUitij as it were, by law 
were exempt from the poll tax, while the farmer and mechanic were 
vaxed for their children, for no other reason than that they were not 
rich enougli to educate them at Yale College. By the new law, tht 
children of tlic poor are placed on a level with the rich. 

Such are llie outlines of (he new system of taxation; a systPtn which was 
adopted, aftt.-r malnre deliberation, l)y the unanininns vote of one branch ul ll:e 
Assemtily, and liy hii imusuai majority, in which arc to be found tlie names ol 
^ome of the largest /«rmer.s-, in the federal party, in the House of Representatives 
The Lej^islature have at tlie same lime provided, thai no tax shall be imposed 
upon the new list, until the resa't of tlie different assessments shall be examined 
!ty the nest Assembly. If. on such examination, it should be found that the law 
f.an be tendered more perfect in practii;e, tiy either raising or reducing the rate 
j)er cent at which any species of property is fixed, this can then be easily done 
uilbout marring the principles of the system. 

In addition to these measures, which I have particularly examrned, I will only 
observe, that the republicans have dispensed wiili one election in each year, by 
which, e.itiinatingllie time of each man even at fifty cents per day, a saving has 
been made to the people of more than fifteen thousand dollars a year. 

They have repealed (he stand iip law, as it was called, and restored to the 
people the ri_;;hl of privr.te ballot for puiilic olncers. 

'fhey have lessened (he burthens of our militia, by erasing from the military 
code (ho odious and expensive pruviiions of (he law of 1815. 

They liave, by law, j^uardcd against (he impositions which have heretofore 
been practised upon the treasury, by claims on account of Slate paupers. ', 

Thi'y have reinoved the veil of mystery which was formerly drawn aVonnd 
t'le treasury, and have by a public act, directed that a siHleinent of the receipts, 
expenditures, and debts of that department, accompanied with a staiement oC 
ilie pfTiii-inent funds of (he State, siiall be annually published by tbe Secretary, 
within thirty days after the rising of (he General Assembly. 

These nieasiiies mi^hl be enlarged upon, but I have already protracted tli* 
tx.Tinination further than 1 intended vvlien I fir,>t took up my pen. With Trum- 
bull, I will only say, that " my appeal is not to any party, bui lo the friends of 
the State ; and I Irtist I shall not make (he appea) in vai.T.' If (lie imnrove- 
inenls which iiave been noticed are worth preserving, it is the duly ot eveiy 
;,ood citizen to see that they are protected from the assaiUts of demagogues, aud 
fjjnilcd ilywfi uninijirircd to potlerity. JUDD. 



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